(The Arkansas Machine) Case Study: The Governor's Two Calendars
Two vacant Justice of the Peace seats. Two different counties. One clear pattern of how political power is administered in Arkansas.

The Arkansas Machine is an investigative series documenting how a network of political dynasties, lobbyists and financiers has turned one of America's states into a private enterprise — where prisons are profit centers, elections are foregone conclusions, and you are the customer, not the citizen. This is the playbook for the hollowing out of American democracy, written in real time. Find the whole series here.
In the Arkansas Machine, time is a political weapon. How fast the governor acts — or doesn’t — tells you who matters, and who doesn’t. Two vacant Justice of the Peace (JP) seats, in two different counties, reveal this in stark relief, while her swift appointments to another board show the method behind the urgency: capture, control and punishment.
July 2024: The 12-Day Turnaround in Saline County
When JP District 2 incumbent Everette Hatcher — father of lobbyist Rett Hatcher — died during the 2024 election cycle, Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders moved with urgency. Within 12 days, she called a special convention to fill the vacancy. That convention selected Rett’s brother, Wilson Hatcher, to run in the 2024 election in his father’s place.
This wasn’t just filling a seat. It was activating a new revenue stream for the machine. With Wilson in place, the Hatcher family’s political operation — already documented in our series — could now route future campaign funds through the family lobbying firm. The vacancy wasn’t a problem; it was an opportunity to upgrade a key node in the network.
January 2025–Present: The 13-Month Vacancy in Franklin County
Meanwhile, the District 4 JP seat in Franklin County has been vacant for over 13 months, since Jan. 1, 2025. Despite local pleas, the governor has not called a convention to fill it. This leaves a district without a vote on its local Quorum Court.
The context is critical: Franklin County leads the opposition to the governor’s $1 billion-plus prison. This delay precedes the administration’s attempt to delay the special election for the county’s state senate seat after the death of prison opponent Sen. Gary Stubblefield — a move overturned only after a lawsuit.
January 2026: ‘Before the Sun Set’ – Capturing the Board of Corrections
The disparity became undeniable in late January 2026, when the governor again acted with speed — this time to appoint new members to the state Board of Corrections (BOC), a constitutionally independent board that has been a thorn in her side over the prison project.
Reacting to that news, Franklin County Judge Rickey Bowman posted a blunt assessment:
“Made those appointments before the sun set. But yet tried to deny District 26 representation until sued and will not make a simple appointment to Franklin County Quorum Court. I guess she just can’t find anyone that doesn’t like Franklin County to appoint.”
His frustration captures the machine’s operating principle: expediency for the circuit, delay for opponents.
The BOC appointments are part of a clear strategy. After a court blocked the governor’s direct takeover of the prison system, she pivoted to capturing the board from within, appointing loyalists like her former deputy chief of staff — and current partner at a lobbying firm with prison vendor clients — to neutralize its independence. This ensures a compliant board for her prison agenda, while politically connected firms profit.
The Takeaway
The speed of government action is a political signal. In Arkansas, it signals who is inside the circuit and who is outside of it. For Saline County, a vacancy is a problem to be solved with urgency to maintain the system. For Franklin County, the same vacancy is a form of silent, administrative friction — a constant reminder of the cost of dissent.






